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Aimed Rasher’s Taliban was the best book on the history and ideology of the Taliban when it was first published in 2000. It still is. In three sections that read easily and fluidly, Rashes oiliness the ideological and historical origins of the Taliban, the Italian’s interpretation of Islam, and the Taliban and Afghanistan’s place in “the new great game,” a competition between regional and western powers for that region of the world. Fanaticism Resurgent In 2000, the Taliban was still a relatively mysterious militia that had managed to take over most of Afghanistan in 1996.The Taliban ended a four-year civil war that had hearted the country even more than the Soviet occupation of 1979-1989.

The Taliban applied the most extremist interpretation fashion law through edicts, prohibitions and repression that stunned the world. Only three countries recognized the new regime: Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, each of which had funded and armed the mysterious, turbaned bands of “Taliban” (the word meaner student in Arabic, as Taliban were students of Pakistanis madras’s).Few western reporters ventured into Taliban territory. Among them was John Burns of The New York Times, who won a Pulitzer Prize in 1997 “for his courageous and insightful overage of the harrowing regime imposed on Afghanistan by the Taliban. ” “When the Taliban religious movement decided to stone to death a couple caught in adultery, it chose a blazing afternoon in late August,” Burns wrote in a dispatch dated Novo. 3, 1996.

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“The condemned woman, Nairobi, 40, was lowered into a pit dug into the earth beside the wall until only her chest and head were above ground.Witnesses said she was dressed in a sky-blue Burma, the head-to-toe shroud with a slit for the eyes that the Taliban require all women to wear when they are outside their homes. After the Judge threw the first stone, “Taliban fighters who had been summoned for the occasion stepped forward and launched a cascade of stones, each big enough to fill the palms of their hands. ” The Taliban, a Foreign Force Even in Afghanistan The man “appeared to be dead after about 10 minutes, but the killing of Nairobi took longer, past the point where one of her sons, stepping forward to check, turned to the judge to say his mother was still alive. That was Afghanistan under Taliban rule. And that was the Taliban that, in 1996, allowed Osama bin Laden to set up camp in Afghanistan and declare war on the United States. Aimed Rashes is among Pakistanis and South Sais’s leading, and certainly bravest, reporters. He is to South Asia what Robert Fish is to the Middle East–a reporter who’s been covering the region for well over a generation, with more institutional history, more contacts and perspective than any of his peers.

A native of Rawlins, the Pakistani military city, he has been covering South Asia for a dozen publications since the sass.Having witnessed parts of the Soviet invasion and occupation of Afghanistan in the sass, Rashes was ideally positioned, in the sass, to observe and analyze the rise of the Taliban. Today’s Taliban are only the latest in a long line of conquerors, warlords, preachers, saints civilizations and religions and introducing new ones,” Rashes writes in Taliban.

The book is conveniently organized as a profile of the group no nation has been able to control, and no Afghan faction, or military force in Afghanistan, to defeat for long. Readers may pick and choose from chapters or sections to focus on aspects of the Taliban that may interest them most.How “Taliban” Is Organized The first section of the book is a history of the Taliban–how it emerged in the sass tit Pakistanis support, beginning in Kandahar and under the leadership of Mullah Mohammad Omar, closed girls’ schools wherever it reigned, and established itself as a local caliphate. The book documents the Italian’s gradual seizure of control of most of Afghanistan, its early defeats but also its vengeful returns, especially against Afghanistan’s Shiite Hazard minority, who were victims of one of the Italian’s bloodiest massacres.The second section of the book examines the Taliban as religious and political ideology–a style of fundamentalism more pronounced, more violent and more inconsistent than Habits in Saudi Arabia. The Taliban challenges mainstream conceptions of Islam as much as it aims to redefine them. Most Afghans belong to the Sunnis Hannah sect, a decentralized, liberal, non- hierarchical creed that had affinities with peaceful and tolerant Suffix, and that reflected Afghanistan’s fractious cultures and geography.Afghans organized by tribes or communities had little patience for centralized government–or religious extremism.

Habits, for example, attempted to establish itself in Afghanistan in the 19th and early 20th century but had little success–until Saudi Rabbi’s oil boom n the sass financed a vast expansion of Habit teaching in the Islamic world, particularly in South Asia. Afghans recoiled at the increasing influence of Habits, considering it a foreign creed, but Saudi Arabia was persistent.How Saudi Arabia and the CIA Helped Give Rise to the Taliban When the Soviets invaded Afghanistan in 1979, Saudi money Joined with CIA money to fund the Habit- inspired machined in the fight against the Soviet. Pakistan was the conduit for that money.

Pakistanis prime minister at the time, Aziza LU Has, decided who got what money, and doled it out through Pakistanis Inter-Services Intelligence, or IS’. It was mainly due to Sis’s alliance with Islamic extremists in Pakistan that the Taliban was born in Pakistanis Madras’s.Aziza wanted to build up an Islamic militia for two reasons: To use it to fight India in Kashmir, and to use it to impose Pakistani influence in Afghanistan. Among Sis’s favorites: Clouding Hexameter, who had studied engineering at Kabul University, and who today is the leader of Whiz el-lilacs, or the Islamic Party, which is allied with the Taliban. For all of Sis’s and the Acacia’s attempts to guide events, militias and mushiness their way in Afghanistan (and, later, in Pakistan), both Sis’s SIS and the CIA failed to understand the radical nature of the Taliban they were nurturing. The Taliban interpretation of Islam, Jihad and social transformation was an anomaly in Afghanistan because the movement’s rise echoed none of the leading Clammiest trends that had emerged through the Marin-Soviet war.

“They fitted nowhere in the Islamic spectrum of ideas and movements that had emerged in Afghanistan between 1979 and 1994,” Rashes writes. “The New Great Game” “It could be said that the degeneration and collapse of legitimacy of all three trends rated the ideological vacuum which the Taliban were to fill.The Taliban represented nobody but themselves and they recognized no Islam but their own. ” The third section of the book, which is also its weakest for being the most speculative, is titled “The New Great Game,” a phrase Rashes claims to have invented (he’s wrong). The section analyzes the Taliban in the context of regional powers competing for political influence in Afghanistan (including Iran, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia) and Western powers, especially the United States, competing for the rights to potential oil pipelines through Afghanistan.

The section includes some details of the Clinton administration’s fruitless flirtations with the Taliban in the late sass, and the Italian’s fruitless attempts, in the United States, to test a relationship. Rasher’s analysis of Afghanistan as another staging ground for the ongoing Sunnis-Shiite schism, enacted there by Iran (Shiites) and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan (Sunnis) explains one of the least understood subtexts of the war for Afghanistan. “Ironically for the USA,” Rashes wrote of the Taliban in 2000, “the new threat was no longer Shih fundamentalism, but the Sunnis fundamentalism of the Taliban.Unfortunately for the USA since, the enduring threat, partly because of American miscalculations, is both Shih and Sunnis fundamentalism.

UNRAVELING TERRORISM PAKISTAN —BY SARA DE SILVA For those who have ever wondered why Pakistan continues to dominate the media headlines in recent years, the exact answers to the question are presented in this book. Many fail to grasp the gravity and the complexity of the threat that emerges from within and simultaneously impacts both regional and international security.For this reason, conceptualizing the militancy in Pakistan and the region becomes imperative not only to demystify common perceptions but also to plan a long-term strategy to counter the serious threat of terrorism. Against this backdrop, Pakistan: Terrorism Ground Zero by Roman Generate and Ashram Cabal offer an interesting and compelling case of how Pakistan became an epicenter of global terrorism over the years. Ultimately, this work demonstrates why grasping the complex nature of the threat is paramount in winning a crucial battle against the global war on terror.The authors introduce the readers to the backdrop of the problem currently faced by Pakistan.

The negligence of the international community in handling the aftermath of the Cold War and the policies promulgated by Islamabad visa-Г¤-visa the insurgents proved to be a strategic blunder, which could eventually prove fatal to Pakistan in the long run. Starting with an explanation of tribal Pakistan as the epicenter of global terrorism, Generate and Cabal depict the manner in which the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATAL) emerged as a new headquarters of al Qaeda and the global Jihad movement.The book subsequently shifts the focus on mapping out he myriad insurgent groups that function under the umbrella of the Pakistani Taliban.

The authors detail the generic profile of the sub-groups from their membership, leadership and organizational structure, methods of finance, operational capabilities, to links with other local and international groups. Ultimately, this section depicts the complexity of the Pakistani Taliban, which according to the authors are not a monolithic entity.The terrorist monster that devours the country takes many forms, the most deadly being the stark rise in suicide attacks in recent explicating the phenomenon, Generate and Cabal assert otherwise. The motivating forces behind suicide terrorism in Pakistan are an amalgamation of cultural, religious, social, political, and economic factors. A ‘one-size-fits-all’ theory does not truly grasp the suicide terrorist threat that pervades the entire nation and also extends beyond its borders.

The writers also reveal the significance of Karachi as a hub of terrorism in Pakistan.They illustrate the intricate nature of terrorist groups and criminal activities that live side by side with the sectarian and ethnic violence hat is rampant in the financial centre of the country. This part of the book illustrates the threat landscape of Pakistan from a distinct outlook. Not only is it crucial to understand the profile of different terrorist outfits operating in the country outside of FATAL, the presentation of Karachi in this context highlights the intricate nature of the threat that emanates from the country.As the threat from within inevitably spills over to the region, the authors urge an awakening of the neighboring countries to fight against their respective domestic instabilities and encourage harmonious elation’s in preventing the proliferating menace in the region. This deadly anomaly is incurable by Pakistani efforts alone; it requires an unparalleled cooperation of the international community.

The authors give much credit to Pakistanis unprecedented effort in fighting the war on terrorism alongside the US, contrary to the numerous accusations made against the country as a perpetrator of militancy and terrorism in the region.As Islamabad became the frontline fighter and thus the frontline target of terrorist groups, the nation of Pakistan is now paying the price of countering this menace. The writers exhort the readers to realism the severity and the complication of the anomaly that haunts the country and call for the need to strengthen international cooperation as a way forward in fighting this rigorous battle against Pakistanis most fatal cancer. Generate and Cabal do not rely on abstract academic theories in explicating the anomaly.They excellently carry the readers through the threat landscape in a logical sequence that is substantiated by anecdotal evidence. Simultaneously, this work debunks the common misconceptions and clarifies the confusions that arise from grasping the current trends in Pakistan. This surely is a challenge in itself, which has been achieved by the experts, and the findings presented in this research comprehensively encompass both the domestic and the regional implications of the problems that Pakistan faces.The experts present an ‘all- in-one’ book, which covers absolutely everything one needs to know about Pakistanis current security climate — including its backdrop, current situation and recommended policy prescriptions without having to Juxtapose complex Jargon, concepts and academic theories.

The readability of the findings presented by the authors should be digestible for all readers of various backgrounds including policymakers, academics, Journalists and students of international security and terrorism.If you have ever wondered what exactly is going on in the ‘ground zero of terrorism’, this book is a must read. Pakistanis Drift Into Extremism: Allah, The Army, And America’s War On Terror Hosannas Bass This book examines the rise of religious extremism in Pakistan and analyzes its connections to the Pakistan Army’s policies and fluctuating U. S. -Pakistan relations. It includes profiles of leading Pakistani Jihad groups with details of their origins, ND militant leaders.

The book contains new historical materials on Operation Gibraltar (the 1965 War with India), the conspiracy behind General Aziza-LU-Hash’s plane crash in 1988, a botched military coup by fundamentalists in 1993-4, and on how General Mustard handled the volatile situation after the 9/1 1 attacks. In addition to a detailed profile of General Mustard, the book evaluates India-Pakistan relations visa–visa the Kashmir conflict as well as Dry. A.

Q. Khan’s nuclear proliferation crisis, and also offers predictions for Pakistanis domestic and regional prospects

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